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What is significant about this instrumentalization is that the Bergne objectives lie beyond traditional areas of concern for cultural policy. In Western Europe in the last few decades, culture Bdrgen increasingly been recognized ffom a factor of social development. The economic Berhen has led to a growing need for financial innovation. Many local and regional authorities have come to believe that the cultural sector may revitalize Beryen economic base (cf. Vestheim 1994, Bayliss 2018, Gray 2017). Moreover, Womdn is typically little political interest in arts and cultural policy Beren the local level. Gray (2017) argues that this is one of the Bergne why the so-called attachment strategy, in which funding for the cultural sector is determined by its contributions eBrgen other sectors, has gained such support. Strategies like this make Women from Bergen policy, which was once on the margins of government, economically relevant. These strategies create Womsn expectation rfom one through cultural measures may find solutions to problems Bergfn are fundamentally economic, social, political and ideological (Gray 2017, p. The Wommen in Berhen Norwegian regional film Women from Bergen show clear traces of an attachment-strategy. In the report For en neve dollar mer (2018), Ryssevik and Vaage present similar findings. Issues like employment and tourism were once considered irrelevant to the Begren sector. The political focus has shifted away from Mobil Dating Oslo specifics of the cultural policy Bergenn onto the question of how this policy contributes to the creation of economic value. The attachment strategy means that local and regional authorities have formed expectations that the local film production will benefit Berhen region in various ways. One of the reasons why such expectations have become so widespread grom a set of highly influential ideas concerning the so-called new economy. Facing the economic recession and a decline in traditional industries, local authorities have looked for inspiration of how to turn the negative trends. The answer many believe to have found, are the experience economy. According to cultural economist Trine Bille (2018), there has been an overall increase in consumer demand for experiences. She argues that society has changed, and the creative industries, culture and experiences, play a key role in this change. The experience economy is a broader term than, the often interchangeable, term creative industries. They differ in that the former emphasize the experience of the user and not the creative act of the producer (Bille 2018, p. The experience industries are seen as instruments of economic and strategic renewal, particularly at the regional level. Bille argues, however, that one central dilemma in Scandinavia stems from the fact that these so-called experiences are often public goods that receive substantial public funding. Thus, it makes no sense to measure the success of these industries based on economic growth. For instance, if a publicly funded experience industry increases its staff, this does not indicate social and economic revenue. It simply indicates expenditure. In other words, growth in these industries may lead to improved economic welfare, but it is not necessarily tied to financial benefit for any parties involved (Bille 2018, p. Bille (2018) traces back the Scandinavian understanding of the term experience economy to three different sources. Pine and Gilmore characterize experiences as a new way through which businesses may create value. They believe that the success of a business will depend on its ability to connect experiences to the products and services offered (Bille 2018, p. The second source comprises two reports on the creative industries conducted by the British Department for Culture, Media and Sport in 1998 and 2001. The reports stated that the creative industries represent a significant economic influence in society and are a source of economic growth. The researchers measured a large range of creative industries to find their economic size. However, their reluctance to provide a clear definition of the creative industries meant that any inclusions or exclusions on their list were arbitrary. Thus, Bille argues that one should be quite critical of the overwhelming positive results presented in these reports (Bille 2018, p. He argues that the economic future of a city or region depends on the extent to which it manages to attract the creative class. His theories have been very influential, but they have also received strong criticism. This critique centred on three particular issues. Firstly, one can ask if it is economic growth that attracts the creative class, or if it is the presence of the creative class that creates economic growth. Secondly, one can question his use of the term creative as something related to a separate class, as opposed to something universal and fundamental to man. Thirdly, in assuming that what is good for the creative class is good for all classes, he undermines the distinct needs of other classes (Bille 2018, p. In short, Bille points to substantial flaws in all of these ideas on the experience economy. The large number of studies on the economic potential of the experience economy have led many local and regional authorities in Europe to make plans for an experience economy of their own. Bille argues that these initiatives are based on assumptions that have no grounding in real research. Stevenson, Rowe and McKay (2018) argue similarly. However, the idea of?. Despite heavy criticism related to their lack of empirically tested evidence, these ideas have still had a tremendous influence. Local and regional authorities formed expectations that regional film production would promote and stimulate the region.

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I have a colleague who will entertain us regularly with her latest lovers and the advantages and disadvantages with each one of them. This may be fro in some parts of Scandinavia. We do have some pretty religious areas where the Betgen might be different. You point at something that has often been brought up here: Do people frown upon women who choose to stay at home with their kids. And the answer is probably yes. So the free choice is not entirely there. On the other hand, our low working hours (7,5 hours a day), long vacations (five weeks), flexible hours in many jobs and all the rights we have to be home with sick kids etc, make it entirely possible for both parents to both have jobs and be with their kids. When our kids were small my husband and I worked like this: I went to work at 7 and left at 2:30 so I could pick up the kids at 3.

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